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Black American Culture Semminar Presentation

THE HISTORY OF BLACK AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS 

Luther King was born in Atlanta, Georgia on 15th January, 1929. Both his father and grandfather were Baptist preachers who had been actively involved in the civil rights movement.King graduated from Morehouse College in 1948. After considering careers in medicine and law, he entered the ministry. While studying at Crozer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania, King heard a lecture on Mahatma Gandhi and the nonviolent civil disobedience campaign that he used successfully against British rule in India.

Over the next few months King read several books on the ideas of Gandhi, and eventually became convinced that the same methods could be employed by blacks to obtain civil rights in America. He was particularly struck by Gandhi's words: "Through our pain we will make them see their injustice". King was also influenced by Henry David Thoreau and his theories on how to use nonviolent resistance to achieve social change.

After his marriage to Coretta Scott, King became pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama. In Montgomery, like most towns in the Deep South, buses were segregated. On 1st December, 1955, Rosa Parks, a middle-aged tailor's assistant, who was tired after a hard day's work, refused to give up her seat to a white man.

After the arrest of Rosa Parks, King and his friends, Ralph David Abernathy, Edgar Nixon, and Bayard Rustin helped organize protests against bus segregation. It was decided that black people in Montgomery would refuse to use the buses until passengers were completely integrated. King was arrested and his house was fire-bombed. Others involved in the Montgomery Bus Boycott also suffered from harassment and intimidation, but the protest continued.

For thirteen months the 17,000 black people in Montgomery walked to work or obtained lifts from the small car-owning black population of the city. Eventually, the loss of revenue and a decision by the Supreme Court forced the Montgomery Bus Company to accept integration. and the boycott came to an end on 20th December, 1956.

Harris Wofford was an early supporter of the Civil Rights movement in the Deep South in the late 1950s and became a friend and unofficial advisor to Martin Luther King. In 1957 Wofford arranged for King to visit India. According to Coretta King, after this trip her husband "constantly pondered how to apply Gandhian principles in America." In 1957 King joined with the Reverend Ralph David Abernathy and Bayard Rustin to form the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). The new organisation was committed to using nonviolence in the struggle for civil rights, and SCLC adopted the motto: "Not one hair of one head of one person should be harmed." There had been a long tradition of nonviolent resistance to racism in the United States. Frederick Douglass had advocated these methods during the fight against slavery. Other black leaders such as Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin had successfully used nonviolence against racism in the 1940s. The importance of the SCLC was that now the black church, a powerful organisation in the South, was to become fully involved in the struggle for civil rights.

After the successful outcome of the Montgomery Bus Boycott, King wrote Stride Toward Freedom (1958). The book described what happened at Montgomery and explained King's views on non-violence and direct action. The book was to have a considerable influence on the civil rights movement.

In Greensboro, North Carolina, a small group of black students read the book and decided to take action themselves. They started a student sit-in at the restaurant of their local Woolworth's store which had a policy of not serving black people. In the days that followed they were joined by other black students until they occupied all the seats in the restaurant. The students were often physically assaulted, but following the teachings of King they did not hit back.

Harris Wofford was involved in negotiations with John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon during the 1960 Presidential Campaign. He later recalled: "He (King) was impressed and encouraged by the far-reaching Democratic civil rights platform, and preferred to use the campaign period to negotiate civil rights commitments from both candidates, but particularly from Kennedy." After his election victory Kennedy appointed Wofford as his Special Assistant for Civil Rights. Wofford also served as chairman of the Subcabinet Group on Civil Rights.

King's non-violent strategy was adopted by black students all over the Deep South. This included the activities of the Freedom Riders in their campaign against segregated transport. Within six months these sit-ins had ended restaurant and lunch-counter segregation in twenty-six southern cities. Student sit-ins were also successful against segregation in public parks, swimming pools, theaters, churches, libraries, museums and beaches.

King travelled the country making speeches and inspiring people to become involved in the civil rights movement. As well as advocating non-violent student sit-ins, King also urged economic boycotts similar to the one that took place at Montgomery. He argued that as African Americans made up 10% of the population they had considerable economic power. By selective buying, they could reward companies that were sympathetic to the civil rights movement while punishing those who still segregated their workforce.

The campaign to end segregation at lunch counters in Birmingham, Alabama, was less successful. In the spring of 1963 police turned dogs and fire hoses on the demonstrators. King and large number of his supporters, including schoolchildren, were arrested and jailed.

King always stressed the importance of the ballot. He argued that once all African Americans had the vote they would become an important political force. Although they were a minority, once the vote was organized, they could determine the result of presidential and state elections. This was illustrated by the African American support for John F. Kennedy that helped give him a narrow victory in the 1960 election. In the Deep South considerable pressure was put on blacks not to vote by organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan. An example of this was the state of Mississippi. By 1960, 42% of the population were black but only 2% were registered to vote. Lynching was still employed as a method of terrorizing the local black population. Emmett Till, a fourteen year old schoolboy was lynched for whistling at a white woman, while others were murdered for encouraging black people to register to vote. King helped organize voting registration campaigns in states such as Mississippi but progress was slow. During the 1960 presidential election campaign John F. Kennedy argued for a new Civil Rights Act. After the election it was discovered that over 70 per cent of the African American vote went to Kennedy. However, during the first two years of his presidency, Kennedy failed to put forward his promised legislation.

During the Freedom Riders campaign Robert F. Kennedy issued a statement as Attorney General criticizing the activities of the protesters. Kennedy admitted to Anthony Lewis that he had come to the conclusion that Martin Luther King was closely associated with members of the American Communist Party and he asked J. Edgar Hoover “to make an intensive investigation of him, to see who his companions were and also to see what other activities he was involved in… They mad that intensive investigation, and I gave them also permission to put a tap on his phone.”

Hoover reported to Kennedy that was a “Marxist” and that he was very close to Stanley Levison, who was a “secret member of the Executive Committee of the Communist Party”. Hoover informed King that Levison, who was a legal adviser to the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, was a member of Communist Party. However, when King refused to dismiss Levison, the Kennedys became convinced that King was himself a communist.

John F. Kennedy agreed to move Harris Wofford in April 1962. Robert Kennedy told Anthony Lewis: “Harris Wofford was very emotionally involved in all these matters and was rather in some areas a slight madman. I didn’t want to have someone in the Civil Rights Division who was dealing not from fact but was dealing from emotion… I wanted advice and ideas from somebody who had the same interests and motivation that I did.” Wofford became the Peace Corps Special Representative for Africa. Later he was appointed as Associate Director of the Peace Corps.

The Civil Rights bill was brought before Congress in 1963 and in a speech on television on 11th June, Kennedy pointed out that: "The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the nation in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day; one third as much chance of completing college; one third as much chance of becoming a professional man; twice as much chance of becoming unemployed; about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year; a life expectancy which is seven years shorter; and the prospects of earning only half as much."

In an attempt to persuade Congress to pass Kennedy's proposed legislation, King and other civil rights leaders organized the famous March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. Bayard Rustin was given overall control of the march and he managed to persuade the leaders of all the various civil rights groups to participate in the planned protest meeting at the Lincoln Memorial.

The decision to appoint Bayard Rustin as chief organizer was controversial. Roy Wilkins of the NAACP was one of those who was against the appointment. He argued that being a former member of the American Communist Party made him an easy target for the right-wing press. Although Rustin had left the party in 1941, he still retained his contacts with its leaders such as Benjamin Davis. Wilkins also feared that the fact that Rustin had been imprisoned several times for both refusing to fight in the armed forces and for acts of homosexuality, would be used against him in the days leading up to the march. However, King and Philip Randolph insisted that he was the best person for the job.

Wilkins was right to be concerned about a possible smear campaign against Rustin. Edgar Hoover, head of the Federal Bureau of Investigations, had been keeping a file on Bayard Rustin for many years. An FBI undercover agent managed to take a photograph of Rustin talking to King while he was having a bath. This photograph was then used to support false stories being circulated that Rustin was having a homosexual relationship with King.

This information was now passed on to white politicians in the Deep South who feared that a successful march on Washington would persuade President Lyndon B. Johnson to sponsor a proposed new civil rights act. Strom Thurmond led the campaign against Rustin making several speeches where he described him as a "communist, draft dodger and homosexual".

Most newspapers condemned the idea of a mass march on Washington. An editorial in the New York Herald Tribune warned that: "If Negro leaders persist in their announced plans to march 100,000-strong on the capital they will be jeopardizing their cause. The ugly part of this particular mass protest is its implication of unconstrained violence if Congress doesn't deliver."

OVER THE TOP

Jack Scholes

 
OVER THE TOP
[além dos limites; ultrajante; exagerado]

• His comments were way over the top.
• Seus comentários foram muito exagerados.

Esta expressão originou-se na Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918), quando os soldados tinham de passar por cima – over the top - das trincheiras para atacar o inimigo. Depois de escalar as trincheiras, eles ficavam na “terra de ninguém”, onde a chance de se levar um tiro era muito grande. Desde então, usa-se a expressão over the top para designar qualquer coisa absurda, excessiva, principalmente referindo-se ao comportamento ultrajante ou à roupa exagerada de alguém. A expressão popularizou-se na Grã-Bretanha, em 1982, depois de um seriado de televisão com o mesmo nome. Usa-se também uma abreviação, a sigla OTT.

DOWN UNDER [Austrália, Nova Zelândia]

OZ (UK)
[Austrália]

• I’m going to Oz next week.
• Eu vou para a Austrália na semana que vem.

Oz é uma forma abreviada de Australia, imitando o som da primeira sílaba. Informalmente, os britânicos também usam a palavra Aussie para referir-se a australiano (tanto o adjetivo quanto o substantiv

DOWN UNDER [Austrália, Nova Zelândia]

DOWN UNDER
[Austrália, Nova Zelândia]

• This is my friend from down under.
• Este é meu amigo da Austrália (ou Nova Zelândia).

Nas representações convencionais do globo terrestre, a Austrália e a Nova Zelândia se localizam no lado oposto, “embaixo” (down under), da Grã-Bretanha.

(AUS)

POMMY (AUS)
[britânico]

• There are a lot of pommies living here in Sydney.
• Há muitos britânicos morando aqui em Sydney.

Pommy é uma palavra nova do século XX que os australianos e os neozelandeses usam para se referir aos imigrantes britânicos na Austrália e na Nova Zelândia. Dependendo do contexto e de quem e como se fala, pode ser uma palavra carinhosa ou ofensiva. Há duas versões para a origem da palavra. Uma diz que vem da palavra pomegranate, a “romã”, referindo-se à tez rosada dos britânicos. Outra explicação é que a palavra pommy vem da sigla POME – Prisoner Of Mother England - prisioneiro da mãe Inglaterra -, em referência aos criminosos que foram transportados da Inglaterra para a Austrália.

INDIRECT DISCOURSE

A: Who was that I saw you with last Tuesday?
B: Celia Burns. She said she had seen you yesterday the day before.
A: You mean last Monday? Where?
B: In the Green Chopsticks. She asked who were you you were.
A: So what did you say? I think I’d like to meet her.
B: Well that’s good, because I asked her if she did want wanted to meet you.

Cf. Discurso indireto (1)

Perguntas no discurso indireto

Perguntas de “sim/não” são introduzidas através de ask + if/whether (= se). Os tempos do discurso direto são modificados como nas orações afirmativas (veja unit 36).

• “Is it raining?” > He asked if/whether it was raining. [Ele perguntou se estava chovendo.]
• “Can you swim?” > He asked if/whether I could swim. [Ele perguntou se eu sabia nadar.]

do/does/did não ocorre na pergunta indireta

• “Do you know Dave?” > He asked if/whether I knew Dave.
• “Did Ann go to the party?” > He asked if/whether Ann went to the party.

Perguntas wh- são introduzidas através de ask + pronome interrogativo.

• “Where‘s Tom?” > He asked where Tom was.
• “Who have you spoken to?” > He asked who I had spoken to.

Outras expressões que podem introduzir perguntas indiretas: want to know / find out / wonder

• “Who’s talking?” > He wanted to know / wanted to find out / wondered who was talking.

Pedidos e ordens no discurso indireto
Relatam-se pedidos com ask somebody (not) to do something.

• “I’d like some help, please.” > He asked me to help him. [Ele pediu que eu o ajudasse.]
• “Please don’t smoke.” > He asked me not to smoke. [Ele pediu que eu não fumasse.]

Relatam-se ordens com tell somebody (not) to do something.

• “Go home.” > He told me to go home. [Ele me mandou ir para casa.]
• “Don’t wait.” > He told me not to wait. [Ele disse que eu não esperasse.]

Indicações de lugar e de tempo no discurso indireto

Quando algo é relatado num lugar diferente ou num tempo posterior, determinadas indicações de lugar e de tempo precisam ser modificadas.

• “Tom’s not here.” > He said Tom wasn’t there.
• “I can’t come today.” > He said he couldn’t come that day.
• “I met Bill yesterday.” > He said he had met Bill the day before.
• “We’re leaving tomorrow.” > He said they were leaving the next day.
• “It’s my 30th birthday this week/month/year.” > He said it was … that week/month/year.
• “Ed died last Sunday/week/month/year.” > He said Ed had died the Sunday/week/ … before.
• “She’s moving next Monday/week/month/year.” > He said … the following Monday/week … .

Cf. Discurso indireto (1)

Cf. Gramática: Perguntas Indiretas

RESUMO

• Perguntas no discurso indireto: ask + if/whether, ask + pronome interrogativo
• Pedidos/ordens no discurso indireto: ask/tell somebody (not) to do something
• here > there; today > that day; yesterday > the day before; tomorrow > the next day; this … > that …; last … > the … before; next … > the following … .